The third quarter UK GPD numbers are out and they donât support the narrative. The narrative is that Britain is undergoing a post-industrial manufacturing revival. Smaller, nimbler firms are supposed to be using high-tech manufacturing and labour-saving devices to create Britainâs next boom. Thatâs the idea.
Maybe itâs true. Or will be true. In fact, after his stint on the show last week, Charlie Morris said he was heading up to Birmingham in November for a conference on manufacturing and innovation. Heâll report back with pictures and stories.
In the meantime, there are numbers. UK GDP was up by 0.5% in the third quarter. That was down from 0.7% in the second quarter. Services expanded nicely at 0.7%. Thatâs the great thing about having a world-class financial services sector. Boom times.
But manufacturing contracted by 0.3%. It makes up 10% of British GDP, according to the Office for National Statistics. The sector is in a technical recession. Construction also contracted by 2.2%. Itâs only 6.4% of GDP. But between the two â building and making â it was enough to tap the brakes on the growth of Britainâs economy.
Rather than parsing the data, let me ask you a question Iâve been asking all my friends lately. Hereâs the question, or really, a series of related questions:
Is representative democracy only possible when you have a large middle class? Is a large middle class historically anomalous? In the 20th century, was the middle class only possible because the industrial and energy revolutions lifted aggregate wages for unskilled and unskilled labour in ways that the technological revolution of the 21st century never can?
Put another way, as a claim, the wage gains from the labour-saving devices in information technology are not as widely distributed as the wage gains from manufacturing. A smaller group benefits to a greater extent from the automation and innovation from information technology. Everybody else not directly employed in the innovative industries gets stuck on lower wages in service industries.
You canât have a stable political system when people canât find meaningful work that pays enough to create ownership and capitalise the middle class.
What do you reckon? A bit much for a Tuesday? Itâs worth thinking about. Having recently re-read portions of Adam Smithâs 1776 classic The Wealth of Nations, the key to civilisation (according to Smith) is the division of labour and increases in productivity brought about by labour-saving devices. For Smith, civilisation is the division of labour.
Voluntary trade promotes cooperation and wealth. That produces civilisation. Keep that in mind next time someone quotes US Supreme Court Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, who said âTaxes are the price we pay for civilised societyâ. Holmes had it all wrong.
Free markets and free people create civilised society. The ‘rule of law’ preserves it. Taxation comes later, when other people decide theyâre entitled to your money. If someone didnât create wealth to begin with, thereâd be nothing to tax. But I digress.
The more people trade and specialise and make, the richer the variety of goods and services we all have to choose from. And remember, our production (not consumption) is the source of our wealth. Because we make, we earn. And what we earn, we can trade for things we donât make.
That formula has worked well for the last 300Â years or so. Look at the average living standards of people in the western world and claim otherwise. Go on. Make a claim. But what happens when technology changes the structure of the labour market?
It always does that, of course. Thatâs why thereâs an element of faith to the division of labour. You have to believe that the jobs lost in a specific sector due to innovation or competition (letâs say the steel industry, for example) will be replaced with other jobs that donât yet exist. Because they donât exist â they are âunseenâ in Frederic Bastiatâs terms â you canât count them.
You have to believe that somehow, someway, they will âemergeâ. The spontaneous emergence of new industries and new jobs is what the free market has done very well for a long time now. Joseph Schumpeter famously referred to the âgales of creative destructionâ that force businesses to innovate and do better or perish from the earth.
Thereâs no reason to believe the ârise of the robotsâ wonât lead to entirely new (and massively profitable) areas of productive human endeavour. Letâs hope so! The future is coming whether we like it or not.
Doing meaningful work with your life â not being âalienatedâ from your labour as Karl Marx would have said â is a big element of human happiness. If you donât think the work you do is good, meaningful and beneficial, it certainly affects your quality of life, as well as your sense of self-worth.
Technology is changing our relationship with work at ever faster rates. This creates structural dislocations in the labour market which show up in GDP numbers. As investors, our challenge is to understand this change, try and forecast it if we can, and then profit from it with some tactical risk taking.
The EUâs unstated ambitions
Thanks for the continued flow of comments on whether Britain should leave the European Union. Itâs more than I keep up with. But the reading has been great. Not everyone, for example, thinks itâs surprising that under EU law, the UK will have to negotiate its way out of Union. Itâs not like a party where you can leave when the punch bowl is empty and the conversation runs dry.
Whether the EU can survive the immigration crisis is another frequent subject. And really, no one is dealing with the elephant in the room. The cost of the crisis is a big issue. The German flouting of EU law is another one. But whether Europe can retain its identity and accommodate so many new immigrants at once is the subject people feel like they canât bring up in polite society, less they get accused of being heartless racists who thrive on human suffering.
The politics of the identity issue will âevolveâ. In the meantime, the other issue brought up by many readers is what the real motives of the EU are today. It may have started as a peace project. But itâs turned into a power project. To oppose the EU is not to be âEurosceptic.â Itâs to be a realist about the nature of centralised power.
Bernard Connolly had it right back in 2008 in a paper he wrote called âEurope: Driver or Drive. EMU and the Lust for Crisisâ. He correctly pointed out back then that to the centralising mind, any crisis is a chance to increase power. In a section called âWhat Europe Wantsâ, Connolly made it simple: to use global issues as an excuse to extend its power. He cited four instances.
⢠Environmental issues: increase control over member countries; advance the idea of global governance
⢠Terrorism: use excuse for greater control over police and judicial issues; increase extent of surveillance
⢠Global financial crisis: kill two birds (free market; Anglo-Saxon economies) with one stone (Europe-wide regulator; global financial governance)
⢠European Monetary Union (EMUI): create a crisis to force introduction of âEuropean economic governmentâ
What do you think? Paranoid? Accurate? Prescient?
The global financial crisis came of its own accord. Is the migration crisis the way to force the introduction of âEuropean economic governmentâ? Was it deliberate?
The answer to that question is beyond the scope of todayâs Capital and Conflict. There is also an odd aspect of 21st century life to attribute to conspiracy things which are more easily explained by mere stupidity or incompetence. Either way, we are where we are, regardless of how we got here. Where to next? Stay tuned.
South China Sea confrontation
Under President Barack Obama, the US has been âleading from behindâ all over the globe. Thatâs what makes the last 24 hours so intriguing. An Arleigh Burke-class US Navy guided-missile destroyerâ the USS Lassen â sailed within 12 nautical miles of both the Subi and Mischief reefs near the Spratly Islands in the South China Sea.
Those reefs are now artificial islands on which Chinese military installations have been built. The US appears to be challenging Chinaâs effort to control the sea lanes in the region by putting new islands where none existed before and planting a flag on them. The US claims it takes no side in the territorial dispute China has with its neighbours.
A guided-missile destroyer is not the same thing as an aircraft carrier. But itâs certainly a provocation. And it comes just after Chinese president Xi Jinpingâs successful visit to London to create a better working relationship with the UK. Remember, âmay you live in interesting timesâ is a supposed curse in China.
Category: Investing in Technology